To the Press and Public
1. On 13 September at 06:30 hour, our guerrilla forces carried an ambush against the convoy of ISIS gangs on the main road in between Syria and Sengal.
- Details
To the Press and Public!
1. On 10 September, at 21:00 hour, our guerrilla forces and the Sengal Resistance Units carried out a joint sabotage action against the ISIS gang’s convoy at the entrance of the Gabara Village.
- Details
TO THE PRESS AND PUBLIC
1.On 10 September, at around 22:00 hour, the occupier forces of the Turkish army began a military operation covering the areas of Sehrivan, Kaniya, Kaymakam, Pira Ru Sor and Gunde Mila Kire/Besta/Botan.
To the Press and Public
1- On 9 September, we have already stated in regard to a clash in between the gangs of ISIS and our guerrilla forces in the area of Kizilkent/Sengal/South Kurdistan (North Iraq).
- Details
TO THE PRESS AND PUBLIC
1. We reported about 13th May clashes from the Meskan Mountain in Hakkari. On the this clashes two soldiers of the Turkish army killed by our guerilla and one other was wounded in clashes on 13th May.
- Details
The need for a national congress for the national-democratic representation of the will of the Kurdish people is unquestionable. In this regard, the footing attained in the Summer of 2013 has now matured to an even further level. Many were expecting this historical dream to materialise; the inability in doing so, has left the Kurdish public disappointed.
National unity is a historical problem for the Kurds. The incapability of unifying is one of the main reasons as to why the Kurds are still exposed to cultural genocide. One of the main ambitions of every national liberation movement has been to construct a national unity. The embodiment of this would be a national congress representing the national will.
At the beginning of the 1970s, freedom struggles were sprouting across all four parts of Kurdistan; these movements had targeted the establishment of a national congress in order to attain national unification. At the beginning of the 1980s there were efforts to form a national congress in exile. However, due to certain attitudes these efforts were in vein.
The wrong attitudes towards the Kurdistan National Congress consisted of deeming this project as a platform for domestic political calculations and internal conflicts. During the 1980s, both the KDP and the PUK were carriers of this attitude. In other words, they utilised this historical platform to fight out their internal differences.
On this subject, the PKK has adopted a true understanding of unity. Although it was a newer and younger movement, its understanding of unity was in line with its understanding of freedom. This was largely thanks to PKK leader Ocalan's deep-rooted patriotic consciousness.
The intensification of the national uprising in Northern Kurdistan and the inception of a new post-Gulf War status quo in Southern Kurdistan made national unity even more important which in turn made the establishment of a national congress even more important. This led to increased efforts from PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan in the quest for a national congress. However, the international conspiracy that began on the 9th of October 1998, ensured that these efforts were left incomplete. However, these efforts did result in the founding of what is today the Kurdistan National Congress (KNK).
The nation-state-like structure in place in Southern Kurdistan since 2003 and the revolution of 19 July 2012 in Rojava (Western) Kurdistan has made the establishment of a democratic national congress even more vital. The situations in the above mentioned parts of Kurdistan and the existing internal problems among the Kurds are all reasons that make a national congress a necessity.
Obviously, regional developments are also impacting on Kurdish requirements. The deductions of the gridlocked Third World War in Syria both presents a platform for development for the Kurdistan freedom movement but also presents a potentially endangering platform for Kurdish demands. This is another important reality that makes the establishment of a national congress crucial.
All of these circumstances formed the ideal setting witnessed in the Summer of 2013. Although historical necessities have become even more vital and although internal and external circumstances are now practically dictating the formation of a national congress, the KDP's unfortunate approach and impeding stance has deemed all efforts unsuccessful.
Statements made by the KDP on this subject are wrong and do not reflect the truth. Everyone is aware of the sensitivities of the Kurdish people when it comes to national unity, therefore, the KDP's statements are intended to mislead and cover their impeding stance. In order to complete the long-lived dream of national unity, the KDP's obstructive stance must be overcome.
The KDP's obstructive stance is firstly based on the name of the congress. Will the national congress be a Kurdish congress, or a Kurdistan congress? It is alleged that without first establishing a Kurdish national congress, it is unrealistic to establish a Kurdistan national congress encompassing all the peoples of Kurdistan.
Although at first glance this seems to be a reasonable objection, at closer inspection it is easily understandable that this is an anti-democratically charged nationalism. The right way is to intertwine Kurdish national unity and the democratic national unity of Kurdistan.
KDP administrators are also interjecting that the constituent make-up of the congress is also a problem. They allege that the PKK is demanding for more than half of the delegates of the congress in order to pass through its own agenda. As a matter of fact, it is not even possible to establish a national congress that works on majority decisions. The PKK's proposal is for a national congress that only works on unanimous decisions in which all members are in consensus.
The main reason as to why a national congress is unable to meet is due to differences in approaches towards the administration of the congress. The KDP's obstruction is based on this. The PKK's proposals in this regard are extremely reasonable and applicable. The PKK proposes a co-presidency model for the congress in order to ensure equal representation for women and for a more libertarian and democratic system in general. Furthermore, the PKK even proposed Masoud Barzani to be the founder president of the congress.
Despite this, the stance of the KDP has not been constructive. Firstly, it rejected the idea of a co-presidency without discussion. Instead, the KDP demanded that Masoud Barzani be the president of the congress on his own for four years. Whereas, even if not a co-presidency then at the very least a presidency council is required. Even so, it is extremely anti-democratic and therefore unacceptable for one person to hold the presidency for an uninterrupted term of four years. The PKK's proposal in this regard was for the presidency to be changed every year.
It is enough for the national congress to have certain fundamental responsibilities. This could be in the areas of diplomacy and defence, administered by an legislative organ. It is vital for Kurdish diplomacy and defence to be administered on a national level. It is also vital for all national policies to be coordinated by an executive committee.
It is worth noting that none of the above mentioned obstacles are obstacles that cannot be overcome. The overcoming of these obstacles will ensure the materialisation of this historical requirement. In this regard, all Kurdish parties, institutions and intellectuals must act responsibly and sensitively. This is a prerequisite for patriots and democrats.
Duran Kalkan - Member of the Executive Committee of the PKK
- Details
No one can doubt the socialist identity of the Kurdish freedom movement and the socialist identity of the Kurdish people's leader Mr. Abdullah Ocalan. The Kurdish freedom movement and its leader define themselves as the inheritors of all the socialist strugglers in human history.
Of course there are differences between the PKK and other socialist organisations in Turkey. The PKK has restructured itself as a result of extensive self-criticism and a thorough criticism of classical socialism and its practiced forms. It sees classical socialist theory as insufficient. The PKK believes that classical socialism is not anti-capitalist enough and is too involved with the state; whereas the state is a tool of suppression. To topple a state in order to create a new one is not revolutionary practice, rather, to surpass, topple or minimize the hegemonic system and replace it with a socialist system by implicating socialism in the moment is the PKK's adopted method. To topple a state is not the same as toppling the system. To liken these two things together is a sign of deviation from socialism.
Even those that have shown great belief and effort in developing socialist theory and even ultimately sacrificing their lives to this end have maybe lacked in completely liberating themselves from capitalism. Capitalism, with its mentality, economy, sociality and culture is a totality. To reject, surpass and exclude oneself from capitalism as a totality is vital. This exclusion must start immediately; to delay this exclusion and synchronise it with the abolition of a state is a deviation from socialism. To insist on creating a new state on grounds that it will be a socialist one, is at the very least a lack of an acquaintance with the states ontology. The Kurdish freedom movement has purposefully distanced itself from the hegemonic system's systemic institutions, lifestyle and culture. The PKK has killed the capitalist, the state and the sexism within.
Certain circles are claiming that the Kurdish freedom movement is a "bourgeois movement", or that it has retreated from its ideals. On the contrary, the Kurdish freedom movement questions the socialist identity and the lack of depth in socialist theory of those who are putting forward these types of claims. Firstly, the very lifestyle of the PKK puts across what kind of socialist organisation it really is. Every aspect of life within the PKK is organised communally and collectively. Of course as one of its principle ambitions is to democratise society the PKK builds relationships with a wide spectrum of social movements and civil organisations. All socialists must see this as a practical obstacle that needs to be dealt with by all revolutionary movements on the road to revolution.
The PKK, as a socialist movement, will always seek socialists and leftist democrats when forming political alliances. However, as a movement of social democratisation, the PKK holds responsibilities against society as a whole and therefore wider strategic alliances with all social factions is understandable. The negotiations in Imrali Island are being developed within these parameters. Yes the PKK wants to make the government take certain steps, but this is happening as a result of our joint struggle with the democratic forces in Turkey; in other words we are forcing the very people we are struggling against to take positive steps. To argue that socialist movements do not negotiate with the state is a delusional approach to the political struggle inherent in socialist struggle. We are not talking about negotiating on ideals and principles. These are mere political negotiations. These are not negotiations on the struggle itself, but negotiations on the means of struggle.
There is now a major opportunity for the left to develop in Turkey and fill a gaping hole in Turkey's political spectrum. The people of Turkey want justice, equality, democracy and freedom; and for this there is a need for a decent leftist platform to struggle for these demands. However, this platform has been left unmanned for at least the past fifteen years. Conservative and nationalist wings cannot meet these demands. This is why leftist democrats and those who call themselves socialists need to seriously question themselves.
On the one side of the political spectrum in Turkey you have the nationalists and on the other side you have the conservatives. There seems to be a gaping hole that needs to be filled urgently. The People's Democratic Party is an important project to this end; but the distant stance of certain groups is hindering the progress of this project. Socialist organisations must act responsibly and take their place in this project, as no other alternative socialist platform is currently visible on the horizon.
By taking part in the process of democratic solution initiated by the Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Ocalan, the socialists of Turkey can reinvigorate themselves. There is an urgent need for leftists, socialists, democrats, leftist liberals, ethnic groups, religious groups, women and youths to come together at a conference of democratisation where a union can be formed around a detailed program for democratisation. A strong democratic organisation can very quickly conjure popular support in Turkey.
Writing by Mustafa Karasu
- Details
TO THE PRESS AND PUBLIC
On 23th April done planes belonging to the occupying Turkish Army flew over border line of Şemzinan/Hakkari between 10:00 – 12:00. Drone planes flights are countinuing over our Media Defence Areas.
- Details
The Kurds are an archaic society from the depths of history. They are known as the co-creators of the Neolithic Revolution; creators of the agricultural-village communities. They are representatives of a matriarchal social life. Due to these traits, societal characteristics are well developed among the Kurdish people.
The foundations of Kurdish democracy are rooted in its historical context. Therefore, the Kurds are intrinsically equipped with an understanding of freedom and equality based on differences. Political and ethical principles are structural components of historical societies. Therefore, Kurdish society, based on an understanding of freedom and equality of differences, is a political and ethical society.
This is the reason why for thousands of years the Kurds have been able to bring themselves to where they are today despite numerous attacks on its very existence. It is entrenched with such a democratic culture that until this day Kurdish society has largely protected itself from denominational classification. At the same time, the Kurds have been able to resist against the attacks of external states and power structures.
This is the resource field of the 30-year-long Kurdish freedom struggle. On this platform, Kurdish democratic societal characteristics and the freedom struggle have conjugated. The conceptual expression of this is the democratic, ecological and gender liberationist paradigm developed by the Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Ocalan; or in other words, the democratic modernity theorem.
The Kurds are presently equipped with a political stance that is harmonious with their historical background. Today, in Northern Kurdistan, the Kurds have attained a high level of internal freedom and democracy. In Rojava Kurdistan, this is being embodied day by day in what can only be described as a historical revolution.
The developments in Northern and Western Kurdistan have a deep impact on the developments in Southern and Eastern Kurdistan. The quest for a solution to the Kurdish Question is being developed along the lines of democratic society, rather than that of a statist paradigm.
In short, Kurdish democracy lies within a societal paradigm; not a statist paradigm. This reality is completely coherent with Kurdish historical society. The expression of this is the unification of communities at a grassroots level. Kurdish democracy is the product of the labouring lower classes, rather than the statist higher classes.
It is exactly this that has been on the receiving end of arduous attacks for the past four hundred years by advocates of elitism and statism. Currently, these attacks are politicised and spearheaded by the administration in Southern Kurdistan who are impeding the development of a Kurdistan wide push for democracy.
The Kurdistan Regional Government - specifically the KDP - is a hindrance to the development of the democratic, ecological and gender liberationist paradigm in all parts of Kurdistan and a wider democratic national unity. This is why the planned national congress is yet to materialise and is also why the KDP is antagonistic towards the Rojava Revolution to the extent of digging trenches along its border with Rojava.
The KDP, as an offset of the global state system and that of capitalist modernity, with its nationalist and statist character is in pursuit of complete sovereignty and hegemony. Along with the support it gets from regional and global hegemonic powers, the KDP is hoping to establish its sovereignty in Kurdistan by blocking any strides towards a Kurdish democratic nation.
The developments in South Kurdistan should be analysed within this context. Although it is widely advertised by the capitalist system as the "free part of Kurdistan", it is abundantly clear that this is only a freedom to suppress, and under the name of freedom, the resources of Kurdistan are being pillaged. In this part, democratisation is not developing. Due to an intense bargaining for power, a new government has not been able to be formed for months.
This is also a major source of the conflicts between the administrations of Baghdad and Arbil. Off course, the nationalism and sectarianism of the Maliki administration is also a source of this conflict. However, it is not the only source. The Barzani administration in Arbil is as responsible as the Maliki administration for this conflict. Arbil is trying to overcome its loneliness through policies of conflict with the Iraqi central government.
It will be beneficial to reanalyse the internal struggles in Kurdish politics within this new framework. Only through such a context can we really understand what the KDP is attempting to do.
Both the Kurdish public domain and international observers are asking the same questions: "although the circumstances are ripe and opportunities have arisen, why are the Kurds unable to unify and organise their national congress? Why is the Arbil administration antagonistic towards the Rojava Revolution? Why are KDP affiliated organisations in all parts of Kurdistan divisive agents for Kurdish unity? How come the AKP can easily join forces with the AKP, but is yet to come together with other Kurdish parties and organisations?"
The answer to these questions become very clear when we look at them through the perspective I have outlined above. The KDP's political stance is contradictory to that of the realities of Kurdish historical society. Rather than representing the realities and values of Kurdish historical society, the KDP is representing the values of the global statist system. This is why the Democracy it beholds in its name remains a mere word, unable to unify with Kurdish democracy.
So, despite the negative stance of the KDP and its affiliates, the historically backed development of Kurdish democracy is gaining strength. In North Kurdistan, despite the intense suppression and cheating of the AKP government, the Kurdistan freedom struggle is also consistently gaining strength and constructing a democratic society.
The people of Rojava Kurdistan are maintaining their epic struggle for the construction of a democratic society; the construction of a democratic nation is being carried out in parallel with their heroic resistance against Al-Qaeda affiliated gangs. The enlightening developments in Rojava Kurdistan are coherent with the democratic values of Kurdish culture and history.
The effects of this democratic development will spread to Eastern and Southern Kurdistan. Kurdish democracy will spread and materialise throughout Kurdistan. This will ensure the Kurdish people as the true frontrunners of democracy for all of humanity.
Duran Kalkan - Member of the Executive Committee of the PKK
http://kurdishquestion.com/component/k2/kurdish-democracy-by-duran-kalkan.html
- Details
TO THE PRESS AND PUBLIC
1. On 21st April fighter jet planes belonging to the occupying Turkish army flew over our Media Defence Aras Zap and Zagros regions between 21:00 – 23:00 hours.
- Details